Friedrich List Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Friedrich List - Essay Example 6). List claims that his theory of â€Å"National System† is based on historical empiricism. Therefore, though he agrees with the Classical School of Economy on the point that global free marketplaces are desirable, he seems to be concerned about the monopolist influence of the strongest economy on the countries of weaker economy. Merely one century after the industrial revolution had began to force the European nations to seek for newer and cheaper sources of raw materials in order to feed their ever booming mills and factories, List foretold the economic imperialism of the technological industry-based economies of the world. Therefore, the prerequisite for a country’s participation in the global free marketplace, as List suggests, is to reach the level of the leading nation. It may seem that List is advocating for such criteria of participation in the global free marketplace, which will mostly impossible for the countries of weaker economies to fulfill. On the surface level, it seems that there must be some nations who will never be able to attain the level of the leading nations. ... Throughout his whole life, List had sought for individuality. This tendency provoked him to adopt his father’s business of tannery. Instead, he joined the post of a clerk in the public service and later he became the under-secretary in a ministerial department in 1816. Subsequently he became a professor of political administration at the University of Tubigen and a deputy to the Wurttemberg Chamber where he strongly raised his voice for administrative reforms (Henderson, 1983, pp. 4-5). His rebellion against the administrative conventions at the Wurttemberg Chamber earned him ten months’ imprisonment in the Jail of Asperg. In 1824, h escaped from the imprisonment and immigrates to America where he gathered experiences as a landholder from farming which inspired him to look deep into the economic infrastructure of a country. Furthermore, he claimed that Alexander Hamilton’s works inspired him a lot to view the economy of a country as a ‘National Systemâ€⠄¢. Indeed, during his stay in Germany, his experience with the arbitrary bureaucratic political system assisted him to perceive the political dimension of economy and the importance of the political system’s role in people economic welfare of the common people who are not directly attached to politics (Henderson, 1983, pp. 13-15). For List, â€Å"the nation is the most important link between the individual and mankind† (â€Å"Frederick List†, 1968, pars. 6). This of concept of List about the indispensability of politics from economy later became realized more by Henry Clay’s â€Å"American System†. During his stay in Pennsylvania in America, he wrote â€Å"Outlines of a New System of Political Economy† and published it 1827. In this pamphlet, he

FRANCE Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

FRANCE - Essay Example France has been an important model for religious freedom and thought in virtue of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in the year 1789 and several significant religions are practices in this country, though Roman Catholicism has been the major religion. "In the past, France was a predominantly Roman Catholic country. Since the 1970s, France has become a very secular country. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen says that Freedom of religion is constitutionally a right." (France Principle Religion) Sub-point 1: The other religions practiced in the country include Protestantism, Islam, Judaism and atheism. According to the CIA World Factbook, about 88% of the population in France practices Roman Catholicism, 5 to 10% practice Islam, about 2% Protestantism and 1% of the French population practice Judaism. Sub-point 2: The religious background of France has contributed highly to the progress of the Europe and the world and it is a nation which has contributed the world some of the fundamental principles of secularism and religion including the 'freedom of religion'. A profound analII. Main Point: Cultural Background of France: Family structure A profound analysis of the family structure in France confirms that several social, religious and cultural elements as well as movements have influenced the progress of its culture. The traditional family structure of the French culture, an extended family structure, continued for a long time due, mainly, to the values of the Catholic Church and the rural communities. "The outbreak of the French Revolution created a potent space for questioning the customs, laws, emotions, power relations, and gender assumptions that informed family life. During the 1790s the French Revolution radically redefined the family, its internal dynamics, and its relationship to the state." (Desan, 1) Sub-point 1: The French Revolution created a potent space for questioning the customs, laws, emotions, power relations, and gender assumptions that informed family life and it radically redefined the family, its internal dynamics, and its relationship to the state. Sub-point 2: There has been a vital shift from the traditional family structure to the modern family structure in the French society and culture. III. Main point: Cultural Background of France: Traditions of Religion and Family The traditions of the religion are mostly connected with those of the family and people celebrate religious festivals with lots of enthusiasm and variety in their families and the most important traditions of religion as well as family in France are in connection with Christmas. "Family celebrations begin with the decoration of the Christmas tree a few days before Christmas; candles and lights, tinsel and many colored stars are attached to it. On Christmas Eve when the children are asleep, little toys, candies and fruits are hung on the branches of the tree as a supplement to the gifts Santa Claus has left in the shoes before the fireplace." (Holiday Traditions of France) Sub-point 1: The traditions of

Consumer's Attitudes and Behaviour Towards Responsible Tourism Literature review

Consumer's Attitudes and Behaviour Towards Responsible Tourism - Literature review Example An analysis will also be conducted into the opinions of tourism consumers in general to understand how the market has grown and is in a continual state of flux. The final section will cover how the market could be improved by identifying problems with the current responsible tourism market. This will help to paint a rich picture of how the consumer regards responsible tourism to allow providers to better understand their market and their customer. The Characteristics of a Responsible Tourist As responsible tourism encompasses a wide-range of tourist destinations beyond what is commonly perceived as eco-tourism, there are a wide variety of characteristics that can be said to be common to the responsible tourist. A responsible tourist will have to have some awareness of the sustainable nature of their holiday, whether that be on an economic or environmental level (Andereck, 2009). Recent studies have shown that 77% of consumers believe that tourism should have some focus on the environ mental level (Miller, 2003), meaning that the majority of tourists could be classified in this way. However, it should be stressed that this figure represents the intentions of the consumer rather than their actions, and there is a conceivable difference between the two (Miller, 2003). Those who have intentions of being a responsible tourist can, therefore, be said to represent the majority of the tourism industry but it is perhaps easier to classify the characteristics of the actual responsible tourist. These individuals are generally those who are ethical consumers in other areas of their life, with a great focus on the environmental impact of their purchases (Andereck, 2009). These people tend to be young adults with a significant amount of disposable income, with those interested being happier to spend more money to receive a socially responsible product (Miller, 2003). These individuals are generally more likely to be concerned with a number of factors that can be affected by t ourism, and seek a ‘guilt-free’ holiday (Swarbrooke & Horner, 2003). Many of these individuals have, or wish to, partake in a holiday in which they can get directly involved in the responsible tourism, rather than simply choosing hotels or airlines that behave responsibly (Pizan & Mansfeld, 2000). This can involve getting involved in projects in the third-world, or tree-planting initiatives. Perceptions and Attitudes of the Consumer towards Responsible Tourism The perceptions and attitudes of the consumer have changed in recent years from being considered an unnecessary expense to something worth spending money on (Reisinger & Turner, 2003). The perceptions of this type of tourism are now generally positive, with many consumers considering the impact of their tourism on the place that they stay and the environment in general (Miller et al, 2010). Many people now have concerns about consumerism, and the tourism industry is wise to offer this option as a solution. It shou ld be noted that some still consider that responsible tourism has not come far enough, with optional extras such as postcards and food purchases not being as extensively covered by the notion of responsible tourism as other areas (Swarbrooke & Horner, 2003). Others suggest that responsible

Contrast in Nigeria Essay Example for Free

Contrast in Nigeria Essay The aim of this paper is to compare and contrast in Nigeria to that in the United States. The emergence, development, and settlement of ethnic conflict are related to the cultural, legal, and socioeconomic conditions in which a conflict takes place. These conditions are strikingly different in developed and developing countries. One more mediating factor in the cross-national study of ethnic conflict is the attitudes towards conflict in a society. Therefore, this paper will start with analyzing societies in the U. S. and Nigeria as well as their histories. The U. S. is the world largest economy and a country with a strong tradition of democracy. Its uniqueness is associated with the fact that the U. S. is an immigrant nation. Although ethnic conflicts were (and still remain, to a certain extent) frequent and acute, the American society has found effective ways to resolve such conflicts. The government of the U. S. tries to prevent conflicts between different ethnic groups, ensure equality, and promote tolerance. On the contrary, Nigeria is a poorer country with GDP per capita being only $2,000 (in the U. S. this figure is $45,800). However, it is Africa’s most populous country. Almost half of the population is under the age of fourteen. Mortality from AIDS is high (the percentage of people living with HIV is 5. 4%), and healthcare is inadequate. The country is composed of more than 250 ethnic groups, the following groups are the most influential: Hausa and Fulani (29%), Yoruba (21%), Igbo (18%), Ijaw (10%), Kanuri (4%), Ibibio (3. 5%), and Tiv (2. 5%) half a population are Muslim, Christians constitute 40% of the total population, and indigenous believers account for the remaining 10% (CIA, 2008). Waters (1996) suggests studying the following questions in order to understand cross-cultural perspectives on ethnic conflict: the meanings of ethnic identities (whether they are oppositional identities, immigrant identities, or symbolic identities); the attitude of ethnic groups to the state (whether they trust the institutions of the state to be fair and honest, whether these institution perpetuate oppression, whether the state is perceived by ethnic groups an instrument of power to be employed by their own group or another group or as a neutral arbiter); and the perceptions on hate crimes, violence, and intergroup encounters (whether they are seen as temporary, accidental and individualized, or as permanent, systematic, and institutionalized). In the U. S. , many people coming from other countries perceive themselves as immigrants at the initial stages of integration, yet eventually they accept their new, American identity. The overarching nature of American identity prevents the creation of sharply oppositional identities. However, double identities (such as African Americans or Hispanic Americans) remain string and may become a basis for ethnic conflict. However, the state directs a lot of effort and resources on preventing ethnic conflict. While the general view on the state’s handling of racial issues is generally positive, racism in entrenched in the social system, and there are even accusations of institutional racism. The unique feature about the American society is that it has an experience of successful resolution of ethnic conflicts, such as the movement for equal rights between Black and White citizens or governmental programmes to support Mexican immigrants. The risk of ethnic conflict in Nigeria is much higher than in the United States. In 1999, frequent clashes were taking place between Yoruba and Hausa ethnic groups. This conflict was the legacy of the British colonial rule: ‘Nigeria was brought into being under British colonial rule, when in the early 1900s Lord Lugard forged together the Moslem Northern protectorate and the Southern Christian sphere’ (Mason, 1999, para. 9). Regionalism was encouraged at that time: the country was divided into three self-governing regions based on ethnic allegiance, such as the western region (dominated by Yoruba), the northern region (mainly Hausa and Fulani), and the eastern region (mainly Igbo). ‘[T]he separate governments were designed to strengthen the colonial grip on Nigerian society and weaken the peoples potentials for resistance’ (Irobi, 2005, ‘Second Case: Nigeria,’ para. 2). The attempts of the Nigerian government to create a fully functional federal state have had limited success following the independence. Ethnic clashes turned into a civil war when Igbos attempt to form an independent state called Biafra. Nigeria took over Biafra in 1970 and maintained territorial integrity, but the conflict remained unresolved. There were incidents of sectarian violence in 2004. More recently, the conflict has centered in the oil-rich Niger Delta region. Access to oil revenue and environmental pollution are the main reasons for clashes. The government is perceived as hostile by Delta communities who used to prosper historically from the natural richness of their homeland. The clashes occur between two local ethnic groups, Itsekiris and Ijaw. Cases of vandalism are frequent; the conflict has been especially acute in 2004 when Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force threatened to destroy oil facilities and infrastructure in the region. In 2005, employees of Shell were kidnapped by the Iduwini National Movement for Peace and Development. In 2006, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger River Delta continued the attacks on Shell decreasing the oil production by three quarters. All these groups demand international companies and the government to take appropriate care of the region’s environmental situation and contribute to the region’s development (GlobalSecurity, n/d). As concerns ethnic identities in Niger Delta, they are fluid and dynamic: inhabitants of the region are quick to reconstruct their identities influenced by political opportunities and economic inducements. However, the inhabitants of the region can be regarded as having a common regional oppositional identity. The government is perceived as an inimical body responsible for the ethnic unrest: ‘When citizens perceive that the system has failed to provide essential political or economic goods, they are more likely to gravitate to communal identities and to pursue contentious mobilization’ (Lewis, 2004, ‘Abstract’). Summing up, there are several features which are typical for ethnic conflict in Nigeria, as well as the rest of Africa, namely ‘the demand for ethnic and cultural autonomy, competing demands for land, money and power, and conflicts taking place between rival ethnic groups’ (Irobi, 2005, ‘Introduction,’ para. 6). Therefore, there are many differences between the U. S. and Nigeria in terms of interethnic relations. The most significant differences are the role of the government in conflict management and the creation of oppositional identities as contrasted with an overarching American identity. References CIA. (2008). ‘The World Factbook: Nigeria. ’ Retrieved August 26, 2008, from https://www. cia. gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ni. html GlobalSecurity. (N/d). ‘Niger Delta. ’ Retrieved August 26, 2008, from http://www. globalsecurity. org/military/world/war/nigeria-2. htm Irobi, E. G. (2005). ‘Ethnic Conflict Management in Africa: A Comparative Case Study of Nigeria and South Africa. ’ Retrieved August 26, 2008, from http://www. beyondintractability. org/case_studies/nigeria_south-africa. jsp? nid=6720 Lewis, P. (2004). ‘Identity and Conflict in Nigerias Niger Delta: New Evidence from Attitude Surveys. ’ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hilton Chicago and the Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL. Retrieved August 26, 2008, from http://www. allacademic. com/meta/p59519_index. html Mason, B. (1999). ‘Ethnic conflict escalates in Nigeria. ’ Retrieved August 26, 2008, from http://www. wsws. org/articles/1999/aug1999/nig-a17. shtml Waters, M. C. (1996). ‘Ethnic and racial groups in the USA: Conflict and cooperation. ’ In Ethnicity and power in the contemporary world, ed. Rupesinghe, K, Tishkov, V. A. Retrieved August 26, 2008, from http://www. unu. edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu12ee/uu12ee0o. htm

Islamophobia in the Daily Mail

Islamophobia in the Daily Mail Islamophobia is defined in the dictionary as being: hatred or fear of Muslims or of their politics or culture. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th and the London 7/7 bombings amongst others, some say islamophobia within the media has increased significantly. This work intends to discuss the coverage of Muslims and the religion of Islam as a whole within the middle market newspaper The Daily Mail and explore whether publications such as the Mail are representing the Muslim race in a negative light. Ones interest in the subject matter involved is one that has derived from what is seen, amongst others, as bad journalism; middle market and tabloid newspapers inaccurately reporting issues concerning races such as Muslims. On a daily basis one can pick up a newspaper these days and spot numerous flaws, incorrect language or overall representation of a religion such as Islam. Also, a personal affliction or view in the area is the way in which Muslim communities within the UK are slowly being isolated and are being criticised collectively for the actions of a small population of the religion. When exploring the relationship between the modern West and the East, one should look upon the concept of Orientalism. Saids (1978) work draws on the concept of us and them: Orientalism is never far from what Denys Hay has called the idea of Europe, a collective notion identifying us Europeans as against all those non-Europeans (Said, 1978: 7). This notion refers to the historical manufacturing of Eastern beings as alien, the Other, by the West. It is the negative portrayal of extremist Islamic images within frameworks such as the Mail that progresses, as Halliday (1996)(remember reference for this!, see notebook [2]) suggests, this myth of confrontation that pardons the West of any need to excuse its enmity towards the East and religions such as Islam. Before this paper looks at effects of the theory of islamophobia, it is worth evaluating the polarity of the term itself. Whilst some could say the branding of the term can draw attention to the issue for positive means, further comprehensive literature on the subject and enquiries commissioned (e.g. 1997 Runnymede Trust, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All), there is a flipside. Academics have inferred that this is just another, more refined form of new racism according to many sociologists. Sociologist Professor Gerard Delanty describes the use of the term islamophobia: It is rooted in mainstream hostility to migrant workers and asylum-seekers, and is based to a considerable degree on ethnocentrism and xenophobia  on ignorance and fear of the other (Delanty: Conference, see notebook for full reference[1]). Delanty is saying here that the categorisation of the idiom of islamophobia could be creating a new form of acceptable racism. The UK media industry is said by some to be institutionally racist: This racism is rooted in the countrys imperial past, with feelings of racial superiority and crude nationalism now deeply embedded in the dominant culture. (Keeble, 2009: 175) 2 per cent of the NUJ membership was black, Asian and Arab in the first media-industry wide survey in 1995 by Anthony Delano and John Henningham. Comparing this alongside the national ethnic minority population percentage of 5.26 percent at the time, and it does speak volumes. My research will include a plan to address this view and explore how far or to what extent this reflects an islamophobic nature within newspapers such as The Daily Mail. However, to discuss how deep rooted this patriotism, or national feeling of superiority over other races goes would be discursive from the intended discussion of the titles topic. The role of a national newspaper such as the Mail needs to be highlighted to display the contextualising link between islamophobia and the public. The fact that a familiar newspaper offers a sense of identity and possible security to its regular readers is an important contextualising factor when considering questions of race and ideology. (Ferguson, 1998:175) Considering middle market newspapers such as The Daily Mail and Express along with the tabloids represent more than two thirds of the national daily readership figures (1997 survey: do footnote for this), this is a first base argument for explaining the negative (potential) effect of the press on the masses. A matter to take in to consideration is the recent resignation of Daily Star journalist Richard Peppiatt, on the grounds of the papers islamophobic content. Albeit a personal letter to the Daily Stars proprietor Richard Desmond, the letter highlights a wide range of anti-Islamic features in the everyday characteristics of national newspapers such as the Star and Mail and labels the former as anti-Muslim propaganda. The letter does refer to how closely the content of the Star is to the Mails through criticism of how the newspapers editors build a newspaper from cut-and-paste-jobs off the Daily Mail website. Where he admits to stirring up a bit of light-hearted Islamophobia himself on the basis that this was in his professional duties at the Star, his disapproval of this demonization is prevalent throughout. He refers to a story the paper published concerning the condemnation of taxpayer-funded Muslim-only public toilets: I was personally tasked with writing a gloating follow-up declaring our postmodern victory in blocking the non-existent Islamic cisterns of evil (Peppiatt, 2011). This could just be seen as one individuals personal attack on a proprietor and therefore not have much worth but it does relate to, and support the theory of institutional racism within the British media. For the proposed intentions of this paper, it is worth noting the presence of Muslims within Britain. In the 2001 UK Census the population of Muslims from all ethnic groups within Britain was just short of 1.6 million (insert reference to table of figures in appendices here). The age old argument from many anti-immigration supporters is that the Muslims within Britain do not attempt to immerse themselves within British culture or our way of life, owing to increased tensions between the two cultures. Figures show that nearly half (46.4%) of all British Muslims now living in England were born in the country. It could be said that those Muslims who came to the country as adults (first generation) are grateful for the chance to live in a more open society and therefore more willing to integrate themselves within our culture. The sooner Western societies such as Britain aid this process of integration with the likes of first generation Muslims, the better. As the younger (3rd and 4th) gen eration of Muslims born in England grows, we could see Muslim communities become increasingly ostracised due to young Muslims anger towards the role of the West in Muslim lands and issues such as islamophobia within the media becoming more customary. It is also worth presenting the PCC editorial guidelines with regards to discrimination: The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to an individuals race, colour, religion, gender, sexual orientation or to any physical or mental illness or disability. The second part of the guideline refers to the details of those minority groups and how one should avoid inclusion (of those details) unless necessary to the story. The way in which newspapers such as the Daily Mail steer their content around these guidelines, in order to include xenophobic views will be explored later in the literature review. As this paper explores the surrounding themes of discrimination and false representation within the media and directs them towards the influence of a certain publication, it is important to draw from relevant history of the Daily Mail. Some would say the newspapers prejudice against religions such as Islam is a product of its deep-set DNA shown via the papers sympathetic views of Nazi Germany during the war period. The first joint proprietor and owner Lord Rothermere was known to be a friend and supporter of both Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler and praised the Nazi regimes accomplishments, which directed the Mails political stance and was consequently used as propaganda by them. Lord Rothermere published quotes such as: the minor misdeeds of individual Nazis would be submerged by the immense benefits the new regimes already bestowing on Germany (Rothermere, 1933), as well as printing headlines such as Hurrah for the Blackshirts (Mail, Jan 1934). The Mail was also sympathetic to Osw ald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. The support for this group was withdrawn after violence at a BUF rally in Kensington Olympia in 1934, which displays the potential harmful influence of newspapers on the masses. Muslims within Britain have struggled with issues of integration and racism ever since there was an increased focus of attention from the media on the Iranian Revolution of 1979 (Asad 1990, see references in muslim britain book). Television screens across the world showed three million people celebrating on the streets of Tehran when Ayatollah Khomeini, known for his support of hostage takers and his calling for the death of British citizen Salman Rushdie, came out of exile; a disconcerting image for most Westerners. The Salman Rushdie affair in 1989 demonstrated the degree to which the media and British Muslims who protested against the books (The Satanic Verses) publication became emotionally unhinged (Parekh 1992, see same book + ref) over the issue. The book deeply offended Muslims and ignited debate on blasphemy laws and freedom of speech. Other historical events have all played a part in what Huntingtons (1996) thesis describes as a clash of civilisations, these being: The Gulf War (1990-1), the genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1993-6), the Oklahoma bombing (1995), the Taliban in Afghanistan (1997-2002), Grozny and Kosovo (1999), the recent Palestinian Intifada (since September 2000) and the War on Iraq (2003) (Abbas 2005: 14). These events have and the media , some say (Huntington 1996) widened the gulf between East and West, Islam and Christianity and amplified the theory of Orientalism. (maybe do a little on September 11 attacks here) This paper intends to explore and discuss the different factors owing to the islamophobic content displayed in the Mail and how far it is damaging the representation of Muslim communities within Britain. It would be pointless to explain how islamophobic reporting increased or decreased over the past decade or so as it would be plain to see the increases in islamophobic content around the times of terrorist activities. One will analyse contributing factors such as the origins of islamophobia, the identification of islamophobic content, how closely does that content abide by editorial guidelines and the effect on Muslim communities through critical discussion of the topic and data analysis. The reason as to why one thinks this subject is important and would be of interest to others is the increasing multi-cultured population of Britain. As more ethnic minorities such as Muslims continue to live in Britain, increasing tensions towards people of a particular race can only put more strain on an already weak relationship with Muslim communities. The purpose of the paper is to critically evaluate and characterize publications, specifically The Daily Mail and its role in reinforcing or articulating racism, and in damaging ethnic cultural identities. The ways in which these issues are to be addressed and analysed will be explained through my research and its content analysis. Literature review The aim of this chapter is to identify themes relating to the title topic from previous published literature and critically analyse those premises. The intention here is not just to identify those relating themes, but to analyse, criticise, interpret and evaluate those themes in connection with supporting or opposing the underpinning arguments of this paper. Over the past decade or so there is has been an increase in the amount of writing, due to rising concerns from Muslims worldwide, explaining how discourses such as newspapers in Western media are misrepresenting ethnic minorities such as Muslims through presenting a negative image of Islam. My research will however focus on the Daily Mail in particular, portraying negative stereotypes, and the effects those portrayals have, on Muslim communities within Britain. In summary, this chapter will draw from prior literature and examine the complex structures and strategies of news reports and how they affect the interpretations of reade rs. How much does the role of publications such as the Mail play in the reproduction of racial and ethnic inequality in British society. Some of the earliest writing relating to British newspapers such as the Mail portraying Islam as a threat to Western interests comes from Teun van Dijks: Racism and the Press. The issue of immigration within British newspapers is one that allows anti-Muslim voices to be heard, subjectively criticising the rise in the multiculturalism of Britain: The Mail specifically focuses on alleged abuses of British hospitality, and calls for stricter immigration rules. It does not hesitate to publish, with apparent approval, overtly racist statements by right-wing politicians who claim that without further curbs on immigration Britain may become the worlds dustbin. (Van Dijk, 1991: 96) What Van Dijk is inferring is that through government policies concerning issues such as immigration, any right-wing anti-immigration views from politicians or people within the public eye will be published by the Mail with the noticeable support of the paper. Whilst highlighting the political stance and nationalistic nature of the publication, a defence for the paper would revert to free press every time. The earliest and most relevant research in this topic area has also been carried out by Teun Van Dijk. His work in the collection of empirical data surrounding the press and issues of race is a starting point for anybody analysing institutional islamophobic contents effect on British Muslims. Van Dijk started this foundational research in plain content analysis of British newspapers, analysing content such as the repetition of certain words used in headlines in attempt to rouse certain meanings from them. He describes the repetitive use of certain topics of discourse such as black and race and how they are dealt with by the press as semantic macro structures. These global, overall meaning structures of a text consist of a hierarchically arranged set of macro-propositions, which are derived from the meanings (propositions) of the sentences by way of macro-rules. These rules reduce the complex information of the text to its essential gist. (Van Dijk, 1991: 72) Van Dijk is correct in some ways in saying that the prevalence of such vocabulary would suggest that the discursive agenda of newspapers is entrenched in concerns with race. In his book Representing Race, Robert Ferguson agrees there are some uses of Van Dijks research: It would seem from this as though the media are enganged in an endless process of reproducing already existing prejudices and stereotypes. The extensive content analysis which was undertaken by Van Dijk also demonstrated that ethnic minorities and anti-racists are systematically associated with conflict, crime, intolerance and unreliability. (Ferguson, 1998: 130) The flaws in Van Dijks research are that using empirical data, or strictly content analysis, to develop an understanding of representation can somewhat distort the power of ideology in newspapers text or framing. However, without being blatantly racist, newspapers such as the Mail through concepts of normality can still give strength to negative representations. (Maybe use this paragraph in methods) The detrimental representations of Muslim asylum seekers to Britain, in publications such as the Mail, are highlighted in Arun Kundnanis The End of Tolerance. Phrases such as we have to look after our own people first, a regular idiom in the Mail, gives strength to the inherent belief within Britain that we cannot satisfactorily provide for ourselves, never mind foreigners or them as well. Thanks to the opportunism of media and politicians, asylum seekers and migrants had been made in to potent symbols for the loss of a nation-state that once belonged to its people and afforded them certain privileges as citizens. (Kundnani, 2007: 65) This argument is stating that through newspapers persistence in covering issues of economy and well being, the Mail amongst others, tend to shift the blame of these national problems on to asylum seekers, from communities such as Muslims, for increasing the population and adding to pre-existing problems such as rises in unemployment. The only critique of this concept adding to the misrepresentation and islamophobic nature of the Mail, is that this problem spans over a huge area and is historically embedded within a nations way of thinking. My research aims to uncover the day to day anti-Islamic features of the Mail and expose the problems of intentional or institutional racism that could potentially be fixed. In some ways, previous literature has explained that events such as 9/11 and other Islam related terrorist activities give acceptance to emerging islamophobic voices or views within the media. Chris Allens chapter in Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure, highlights the enabling of publishing extreme right views on terrorists religions without backlash. In the wake of Baroness Thatchers condemnation of Muslim leaders in the Times, insisting that all Muslims à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" as a homogeneous group à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" should share responsibility for the attacks (4 October 2001). The Telegraph days later published an article entitled This War Is not about Terror, Its about Islam (7 October 2001). This article sought not only to praise Baroness Thatchers stance, but also confirm that Western fears were justified because some three-quarters of the worlds migrants in the last decade are said to have been Muslims (these) escapees, victims, scapegoats, malefactors and sleepers are awaiting their moment. (Allen, 2005: 61) Jonathan Birts chapter in Muslims in Britain also agrees with this post 9/11 islamophobic reaction from the press without simply analysing the textual content of a newspaper: After 9/11, the more prejudicial media comment portrayed British Muslim communities, and especially their young men, as a dangerous and unpatriotic fifth column, which were sympathetic to anti-West resistance and, indeed, the use of violent terror. Mass communications today shape and order these Islamophobic moral panics and the reactive defence to them. (Birt, 2009: 217) Here, we can see Birt is agreeing that post terrorist activities, the media is allowed to give a free press voice to racist views and opinions without fear of backlash from media regulators. The defect in analysing the islamophobic nature of publications such as the Mail surrounding terrorist actions is that it is to be expected. There is bound to be a bad press reaction to national identities and religious viewpoints, how far the negative portrayal of those identities goes without trepidation of media regulators punishment, is an issue that needs to be addressed. The British Journalism Review (March 2006) argues that the same harmful representation of Muslims within the media is the same for other terrorist groups such as the IRA. One can see similarities between views of Catholics from Ulster in the 1980s and Muslims today, that religious affiliations trumped all other affiliations: In Britain and the United States the popular line was that if you were a Catholic, you probably supported the IRA. Today, if you are a Muslim, the popular line is that you are probably anti-western or fundamentalist. This is not to say that journalism was and is responsible for these views, but rather that de-contextualised coverage did and does little to throw cold water on old stereotypes. The closest literature relating to the topic title comes from Elizabeth Pooles Reporting Islam: Media Representations of British Muslims. The book analyses the current situation regarding the image of Muslims by tracking the development of this form of new racism from earlier works. Poole says that the theme of immigration as a problem has now transferred to Muslims (van Dijk 1991), due to, as Lueg (1995) says a population explosion in the Middle East. British Muslims and their homogeny to other Muslims become the feared fifth column within (Runnymede Trust 1997). This combined with the discussion of numbers of people invading the country depicts aspirations of taking over the world, not seeking asylum. The combination of the hostile threat and movement of Islam promotes the idea that it needs to be managed in a way that allows varied prejudicial practices to continue (Poole, 2002: 47). What Poole is saying is that a plain dislike of the notion of Islam cannot be seen as the central feature of hostility towards Muslims. Attitudes to Muslims derive from a mixture of xenophobia and racism whereby newspapers such as the Mail can discuss or mainly criticise some of the practices of Islam without being seen to be unashamedly prejudice towards Muslims. Another adjoining piece of literature that many academics have drawn from when discussing this topic, is Edward Saids Covering Islam: How the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world (1981). Said argues that the siege of the American embassy in Iran in 1981 and its media coverage initiated an increased attention and portrayal of Islam with danger, militancy and anti-Western sentiment. The text examines the genesis and ramifications of the medias monolithic images of Islam and reveals the twisting of fact that underlies objective coverage of the Islamic world. Said says the application of a Western ideological framework or an ethnocentric way of seeing (Dahlgren and Chakrapani 1982: 45) has meant we see a domesticated Islamic world or those aspects considered to be newsworthy (Said 1981: 27). This has created a dichotomy between the West and Islam whereby the West is seen as judicious, civilized, developed and superior, and Islam as abnormal, undeveloped and in ferior. There are a small number of published journals that closely share the intentions of this paper. Diane Frosts Islamophobia: examining casual links between the media and race hate from below (2007) analyses the media reporting on recent and ongoing terrorist attacks in Britain and the effect on Muslim communities. The paper discusses islamophobic tendencies within British tabloids and their connections with government policies and violence that concerns religion. Whilst it highlights the medias promotion of moral panics such as problems of asylum and race, it is saying British tabloids breed on these moral panics, going further than the threat that is actually presented. Thus, the media have represented Muslims as a collective problem who threaten the very fabric of British society as supporters of al-Qaida and potential suicide bombers. They are the folk devils of the twenty first century (Diane Frost 2008 find out how to reference journal). It is worth noting that there are strong links between increased anti-terror legislation and other government measures and the way in which publications such as the Mail criminalise Muslim communities when reporting on such measures and legislation. This type of research will be considered in the methods section of the paper. Ian Hargreaves writes a piece in the New Statesman that demonstrates the negative coverage of immigration from the Mail in relation to fuelling racist attitudes. He says: It is not that I view with cynicism the Daily Mails efforts to achieve balance in its reporting of racial issues. Rather, I think the paper is misguided in discounting the encouragement its asylum coverage gives to racist sentiments (Hargreaves 2000). Reverting back to the theory that newspapers such as the Daily Mail have colonial instincts and an anti-foreigner viewpoint established within its DNA, Hargreaves is trying to say that these publications are not intending to be racist; they simply believe the types of stories concerning Islam being published are due to the public-interest factor. Christopher Allens journal discusses the dangerousness of the concept of Islamophobia in analytical relation with the findings of the Runnymede Trust Report (1997). The reports findings concluded that Islam is inherently seen as other to the West, reinforcing the them and us dualism. Taking this in to consideration, Allen says we should not be surprised to see such headlines as The Daily Mails offering, Fanatics with a death wish: I was born in Britain but I am a Muslim first. Here the Mail is merely reiterating those beliefs that are lodged at the heart of Islamophobia (Allen 2008: 4). The intention of this chapter was to identify underpinning theories, themes and issues published in previous literature in order for readers to understand the intentions of the research and findings that will be developed in the methods and data analysis. Methods and methodology This chapter will discuss the research that this paper will be carrying out, the reasons for using those methods and what results are to be expected. The most appropriate methods will be discussed along with their advantages and limitations, with ethical considerations ensured so that the data is collected in an ethical way. The bulk of previous research method approaches to the medias role in the reproduction of racism are mainly content analytical; quantitative and qualitative modes picking out the use of stereotypical words, phrases or image(s) used when representing ethnic minorities (see, for example, Van Dijk 1991, 1997). The reasons for this are that the communication process is symbolic, and deciphering it inevitably has pride of place (Downing and Husband 2005: 26), media researchers can access this readily available material rather than examining the construction process or how readers deduce and act upon the text. This discourse analytical method systematically describes different structures and tactics of text in relation to a social or political framework. The method enables for the identification of focus on certain topics in a semantic analysis form as well as allowing examination of the overall organisation of news reports. Essentially this means discourse may thus be studied as the cruci al interface between the social and cognitive dimensions of racism (Cottle 2000: 36). So, publications such as the Mail as a discourse in the social practice of racism can be seen as a main source for peoples racist views/beliefs. According to Berger (1998: 23) content analysts in media research assume that behavioural patterns, values and attitudes found in this material reflect and affect the behaviour, attitudes and values of the people who create the material. The advantages and reason as to why this paper will be adopting a similar style of research is that whilst being most importantly primary, there is no technology or major funds necessary and it has been known to lead to fundamental changes in the practices of an institution, profession and society as a whole. Also as Berger (2011: 214) says the data collected can be expressed in numbers. These numbers provide detailed information that can be interpreted to gain insights into the mind-set of those who created the text. Another method of research that will be employed is that of conducting surveys to gauge the attitudes and opinions of Daily Mail readers and readers of other newspapers, concerning how the paper represents ethnic minorities. This intends to highlight the negative effect a newspaper has on readers views of a religion such as Islam and the race of Muslim. Previous survey research done in this area comes from Fouries (2001) Media Studies: Institutions, theories and issues. Using a case study of the press in South Africa, the research featured a survey asking people their perceptions of racism in a number of different publications. The research was conducted by the government (ACNielsen survey) after a large number of complaints were made to the South African media regulatory body (Press Ombudsman), that certain newspapers were being overtly racist. The research found that 37% of people saw the concerned newspaper as being at least fairly racist (the other above category being very racis t), owing to the governments implication of fines on the newspaper if any more racist content was published. Other survey research done by European research bodies (such as, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia) includes the Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media report where a similar style of questionnaire design was used. The survey style asks the same type of question i.e. how racist do you think this publication/newspaper is? providing a spectrum of answers including; slightly racist, fairly racist and very racist. The ethical considerations that need to be addressed here is that one could condemn this research method data saying the questions are too leading or that the opinions of the researcher could play a large role in the data collected. With regards to the former limitation, it is the intention of the research to avoid the neutral viewpoint as it would be more or less unusable data for the purposes of this study. By introducing the survey as an academic study to identify whether a newspaper is racist is introducing a form of bias; a four point Likert scal e should thus be used. In order to avoid people who like to sit on the fence (especially concerning issues of racism), by using a smaller Likert scale, the neutral viewpoint can be avoided by using a four-point scale in which the respondent is forced to express some degree of, for example, agreement or disagreement (Davies and Mosdell 2006: 93). Also other ethical considerations were respected including obtaining the consent of the participants and ensuring that their confidentiality and anonymity were maintained. For the content analysis of the Daily Mails perceived inciting of racial hatred, the content that will be analysed will be the amount of articles within a time period of 6 months the issue of Islam and Muslims is reported on in a negative manner. The practice of content analysis, established by the likes of Berelson (1971) and Krippendorff (1980) means identifying the sub-components of an issue featured in the text(s) to be analysed and then studying that media in question over a designated set period of time, counting the amount of times they turn up. This method enables the recognition of certain contours of coverage on a certain subject or issue, allowing for questions to be asked such as; did some newspapers repeatedly feature stories related to people of colour and were there periods of increased or lesser coverage surrounding activities of extremist groups? The types of articles that will be used in the research (see appendices for examples) present Muslims and the religion of Islam as a problem and their difficulties with conflicting issues when integrating themselves within British society. The negative context, in relation to identifying relevant articles will adopt a similar method employed by van Dijks (1991) research. Here the headlines of newspaper articles concerning issues of race were identified and then proceeded to count how many times negative words such as police and riot were used, illustrating the negative context in which issues concerning ethnic minorities were raised within a certain publication. As Hartmann and Husband (1974, 1976) suggest, this demonstrates how news issue Islamophobia in the Daily Mail Islamophobia in the Daily Mail Islamophobia is defined in the dictionary as being: hatred or fear of Muslims or of their politics or culture. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th and the London 7/7 bombings amongst others, some say islamophobia within the media has increased significantly. This work intends to discuss the coverage of Muslims and the religion of Islam as a whole within the middle market newspaper The Daily Mail and explore whether publications such as the Mail are representing the Muslim race in a negative light. Ones interest in the subject matter involved is one that has derived from what is seen, amongst others, as bad journalism; middle market and tabloid newspapers inaccurately reporting issues concerning races such as Muslims. On a daily basis one can pick up a newspaper these days and spot numerous flaws, incorrect language or overall representation of a religion such as Islam. Also, a personal affliction or view in the area is the way in which Muslim communities within the UK are slowly being isolated and are being criticised collectively for the actions of a small population of the religion. When exploring the relationship between the modern West and the East, one should look upon the concept of Orientalism. Saids (1978) work draws on the concept of us and them: Orientalism is never far from what Denys Hay has called the idea of Europe, a collective notion identifying us Europeans as against all those non-Europeans (Said, 1978: 7). This notion refers to the historical manufacturing of Eastern beings as alien, the Other, by the West. It is the negative portrayal of extremist Islamic images within frameworks such as the Mail that progresses, as Halliday (1996)(remember reference for this!, see notebook [2]) suggests, this myth of confrontation that pardons the West of any need to excuse its enmity towards the East and religions such as Islam. Before this paper looks at effects of the theory of islamophobia, it is worth evaluating the polarity of the term itself. Whilst some could say the branding of the term can draw attention to the issue for positive means, further comprehensive literature on the subject and enquiries commissioned (e.g. 1997 Runnymede Trust, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All), there is a flipside. Academics have inferred that this is just another, more refined form of new racism according to many sociologists. Sociologist Professor Gerard Delanty describes the use of the term islamophobia: It is rooted in mainstream hostility to migrant workers and asylum-seekers, and is based to a considerable degree on ethnocentrism and xenophobia  on ignorance and fear of the other (Delanty: Conference, see notebook for full reference[1]). Delanty is saying here that the categorisation of the idiom of islamophobia could be creating a new form of acceptable racism. The UK media industry is said by some to be institutionally racist: This racism is rooted in the countrys imperial past, with feelings of racial superiority and crude nationalism now deeply embedded in the dominant culture. (Keeble, 2009: 175) 2 per cent of the NUJ membership was black, Asian and Arab in the first media-industry wide survey in 1995 by Anthony Delano and John Henningham. Comparing this alongside the national ethnic minority population percentage of 5.26 percent at the time, and it does speak volumes. My research will include a plan to address this view and explore how far or to what extent this reflects an islamophobic nature within newspapers such as The Daily Mail. However, to discuss how deep rooted this patriotism, or national feeling of superiority over other races goes would be discursive from the intended discussion of the titles topic. The role of a national newspaper such as the Mail needs to be highlighted to display the contextualising link between islamophobia and the public. The fact that a familiar newspaper offers a sense of identity and possible security to its regular readers is an important contextualising factor when considering questions of race and ideology. (Ferguson, 1998:175) Considering middle market newspapers such as The Daily Mail and Express along with the tabloids represent more than two thirds of the national daily readership figures (1997 survey: do footnote for this), this is a first base argument for explaining the negative (potential) effect of the press on the masses. A matter to take in to consideration is the recent resignation of Daily Star journalist Richard Peppiatt, on the grounds of the papers islamophobic content. Albeit a personal letter to the Daily Stars proprietor Richard Desmond, the letter highlights a wide range of anti-Islamic features in the everyday characteristics of national newspapers such as the Star and Mail and labels the former as anti-Muslim propaganda. The letter does refer to how closely the content of the Star is to the Mails through criticism of how the newspapers editors build a newspaper from cut-and-paste-jobs off the Daily Mail website. Where he admits to stirring up a bit of light-hearted Islamophobia himself on the basis that this was in his professional duties at the Star, his disapproval of this demonization is prevalent throughout. He refers to a story the paper published concerning the condemnation of taxpayer-funded Muslim-only public toilets: I was personally tasked with writing a gloating follow-up declaring our postmodern victory in blocking the non-existent Islamic cisterns of evil (Peppiatt, 2011). This could just be seen as one individuals personal attack on a proprietor and therefore not have much worth but it does relate to, and support the theory of institutional racism within the British media. For the proposed intentions of this paper, it is worth noting the presence of Muslims within Britain. In the 2001 UK Census the population of Muslims from all ethnic groups within Britain was just short of 1.6 million (insert reference to table of figures in appendices here). The age old argument from many anti-immigration supporters is that the Muslims within Britain do not attempt to immerse themselves within British culture or our way of life, owing to increased tensions between the two cultures. Figures show that nearly half (46.4%) of all British Muslims now living in England were born in the country. It could be said that those Muslims who came to the country as adults (first generation) are grateful for the chance to live in a more open society and therefore more willing to integrate themselves within our culture. The sooner Western societies such as Britain aid this process of integration with the likes of first generation Muslims, the better. As the younger (3rd and 4th) gen eration of Muslims born in England grows, we could see Muslim communities become increasingly ostracised due to young Muslims anger towards the role of the West in Muslim lands and issues such as islamophobia within the media becoming more customary. It is also worth presenting the PCC editorial guidelines with regards to discrimination: The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to an individuals race, colour, religion, gender, sexual orientation or to any physical or mental illness or disability. The second part of the guideline refers to the details of those minority groups and how one should avoid inclusion (of those details) unless necessary to the story. The way in which newspapers such as the Daily Mail steer their content around these guidelines, in order to include xenophobic views will be explored later in the literature review. As this paper explores the surrounding themes of discrimination and false representation within the media and directs them towards the influence of a certain publication, it is important to draw from relevant history of the Daily Mail. Some would say the newspapers prejudice against religions such as Islam is a product of its deep-set DNA shown via the papers sympathetic views of Nazi Germany during the war period. The first joint proprietor and owner Lord Rothermere was known to be a friend and supporter of both Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler and praised the Nazi regimes accomplishments, which directed the Mails political stance and was consequently used as propaganda by them. Lord Rothermere published quotes such as: the minor misdeeds of individual Nazis would be submerged by the immense benefits the new regimes already bestowing on Germany (Rothermere, 1933), as well as printing headlines such as Hurrah for the Blackshirts (Mail, Jan 1934). The Mail was also sympathetic to Osw ald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. The support for this group was withdrawn after violence at a BUF rally in Kensington Olympia in 1934, which displays the potential harmful influence of newspapers on the masses. Muslims within Britain have struggled with issues of integration and racism ever since there was an increased focus of attention from the media on the Iranian Revolution of 1979 (Asad 1990, see references in muslim britain book). Television screens across the world showed three million people celebrating on the streets of Tehran when Ayatollah Khomeini, known for his support of hostage takers and his calling for the death of British citizen Salman Rushdie, came out of exile; a disconcerting image for most Westerners. The Salman Rushdie affair in 1989 demonstrated the degree to which the media and British Muslims who protested against the books (The Satanic Verses) publication became emotionally unhinged (Parekh 1992, see same book + ref) over the issue. The book deeply offended Muslims and ignited debate on blasphemy laws and freedom of speech. Other historical events have all played a part in what Huntingtons (1996) thesis describes as a clash of civilisations, these being: The Gulf War (1990-1), the genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1993-6), the Oklahoma bombing (1995), the Taliban in Afghanistan (1997-2002), Grozny and Kosovo (1999), the recent Palestinian Intifada (since September 2000) and the War on Iraq (2003) (Abbas 2005: 14). These events have and the media , some say (Huntington 1996) widened the gulf between East and West, Islam and Christianity and amplified the theory of Orientalism. (maybe do a little on September 11 attacks here) This paper intends to explore and discuss the different factors owing to the islamophobic content displayed in the Mail and how far it is damaging the representation of Muslim communities within Britain. It would be pointless to explain how islamophobic reporting increased or decreased over the past decade or so as it would be plain to see the increases in islamophobic content around the times of terrorist activities. One will analyse contributing factors such as the origins of islamophobia, the identification of islamophobic content, how closely does that content abide by editorial guidelines and the effect on Muslim communities through critical discussion of the topic and data analysis. The reason as to why one thinks this subject is important and would be of interest to others is the increasing multi-cultured population of Britain. As more ethnic minorities such as Muslims continue to live in Britain, increasing tensions towards people of a particular race can only put more strain on an already weak relationship with Muslim communities. The purpose of the paper is to critically evaluate and characterize publications, specifically The Daily Mail and its role in reinforcing or articulating racism, and in damaging ethnic cultural identities. The ways in which these issues are to be addressed and analysed will be explained through my research and its content analysis. Literature review The aim of this chapter is to identify themes relating to the title topic from previous published literature and critically analyse those premises. The intention here is not just to identify those relating themes, but to analyse, criticise, interpret and evaluate those themes in connection with supporting or opposing the underpinning arguments of this paper. Over the past decade or so there is has been an increase in the amount of writing, due to rising concerns from Muslims worldwide, explaining how discourses such as newspapers in Western media are misrepresenting ethnic minorities such as Muslims through presenting a negative image of Islam. My research will however focus on the Daily Mail in particular, portraying negative stereotypes, and the effects those portrayals have, on Muslim communities within Britain. In summary, this chapter will draw from prior literature and examine the complex structures and strategies of news reports and how they affect the interpretations of reade rs. How much does the role of publications such as the Mail play in the reproduction of racial and ethnic inequality in British society. Some of the earliest writing relating to British newspapers such as the Mail portraying Islam as a threat to Western interests comes from Teun van Dijks: Racism and the Press. The issue of immigration within British newspapers is one that allows anti-Muslim voices to be heard, subjectively criticising the rise in the multiculturalism of Britain: The Mail specifically focuses on alleged abuses of British hospitality, and calls for stricter immigration rules. It does not hesitate to publish, with apparent approval, overtly racist statements by right-wing politicians who claim that without further curbs on immigration Britain may become the worlds dustbin. (Van Dijk, 1991: 96) What Van Dijk is inferring is that through government policies concerning issues such as immigration, any right-wing anti-immigration views from politicians or people within the public eye will be published by the Mail with the noticeable support of the paper. Whilst highlighting the political stance and nationalistic nature of the publication, a defence for the paper would revert to free press every time. The earliest and most relevant research in this topic area has also been carried out by Teun Van Dijk. His work in the collection of empirical data surrounding the press and issues of race is a starting point for anybody analysing institutional islamophobic contents effect on British Muslims. Van Dijk started this foundational research in plain content analysis of British newspapers, analysing content such as the repetition of certain words used in headlines in attempt to rouse certain meanings from them. He describes the repetitive use of certain topics of discourse such as black and race and how they are dealt with by the press as semantic macro structures. These global, overall meaning structures of a text consist of a hierarchically arranged set of macro-propositions, which are derived from the meanings (propositions) of the sentences by way of macro-rules. These rules reduce the complex information of the text to its essential gist. (Van Dijk, 1991: 72) Van Dijk is correct in some ways in saying that the prevalence of such vocabulary would suggest that the discursive agenda of newspapers is entrenched in concerns with race. In his book Representing Race, Robert Ferguson agrees there are some uses of Van Dijks research: It would seem from this as though the media are enganged in an endless process of reproducing already existing prejudices and stereotypes. The extensive content analysis which was undertaken by Van Dijk also demonstrated that ethnic minorities and anti-racists are systematically associated with conflict, crime, intolerance and unreliability. (Ferguson, 1998: 130) The flaws in Van Dijks research are that using empirical data, or strictly content analysis, to develop an understanding of representation can somewhat distort the power of ideology in newspapers text or framing. However, without being blatantly racist, newspapers such as the Mail through concepts of normality can still give strength to negative representations. (Maybe use this paragraph in methods) The detrimental representations of Muslim asylum seekers to Britain, in publications such as the Mail, are highlighted in Arun Kundnanis The End of Tolerance. Phrases such as we have to look after our own people first, a regular idiom in the Mail, gives strength to the inherent belief within Britain that we cannot satisfactorily provide for ourselves, never mind foreigners or them as well. Thanks to the opportunism of media and politicians, asylum seekers and migrants had been made in to potent symbols for the loss of a nation-state that once belonged to its people and afforded them certain privileges as citizens. (Kundnani, 2007: 65) This argument is stating that through newspapers persistence in covering issues of economy and well being, the Mail amongst others, tend to shift the blame of these national problems on to asylum seekers, from communities such as Muslims, for increasing the population and adding to pre-existing problems such as rises in unemployment. The only critique of this concept adding to the misrepresentation and islamophobic nature of the Mail, is that this problem spans over a huge area and is historically embedded within a nations way of thinking. My research aims to uncover the day to day anti-Islamic features of the Mail and expose the problems of intentional or institutional racism that could potentially be fixed. In some ways, previous literature has explained that events such as 9/11 and other Islam related terrorist activities give acceptance to emerging islamophobic voices or views within the media. Chris Allens chapter in Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure, highlights the enabling of publishing extreme right views on terrorists religions without backlash. In the wake of Baroness Thatchers condemnation of Muslim leaders in the Times, insisting that all Muslims à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" as a homogeneous group à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" should share responsibility for the attacks (4 October 2001). The Telegraph days later published an article entitled This War Is not about Terror, Its about Islam (7 October 2001). This article sought not only to praise Baroness Thatchers stance, but also confirm that Western fears were justified because some three-quarters of the worlds migrants in the last decade are said to have been Muslims (these) escapees, victims, scapegoats, malefactors and sleepers are awaiting their moment. (Allen, 2005: 61) Jonathan Birts chapter in Muslims in Britain also agrees with this post 9/11 islamophobic reaction from the press without simply analysing the textual content of a newspaper: After 9/11, the more prejudicial media comment portrayed British Muslim communities, and especially their young men, as a dangerous and unpatriotic fifth column, which were sympathetic to anti-West resistance and, indeed, the use of violent terror. Mass communications today shape and order these Islamophobic moral panics and the reactive defence to them. (Birt, 2009: 217) Here, we can see Birt is agreeing that post terrorist activities, the media is allowed to give a free press voice to racist views and opinions without fear of backlash from media regulators. The defect in analysing the islamophobic nature of publications such as the Mail surrounding terrorist actions is that it is to be expected. There is bound to be a bad press reaction to national identities and religious viewpoints, how far the negative portrayal of those identities goes without trepidation of media regulators punishment, is an issue that needs to be addressed. The British Journalism Review (March 2006) argues that the same harmful representation of Muslims within the media is the same for other terrorist groups such as the IRA. One can see similarities between views of Catholics from Ulster in the 1980s and Muslims today, that religious affiliations trumped all other affiliations: In Britain and the United States the popular line was that if you were a Catholic, you probably supported the IRA. Today, if you are a Muslim, the popular line is that you are probably anti-western or fundamentalist. This is not to say that journalism was and is responsible for these views, but rather that de-contextualised coverage did and does little to throw cold water on old stereotypes. The closest literature relating to the topic title comes from Elizabeth Pooles Reporting Islam: Media Representations of British Muslims. The book analyses the current situation regarding the image of Muslims by tracking the development of this form of new racism from earlier works. Poole says that the theme of immigration as a problem has now transferred to Muslims (van Dijk 1991), due to, as Lueg (1995) says a population explosion in the Middle East. British Muslims and their homogeny to other Muslims become the feared fifth column within (Runnymede Trust 1997). This combined with the discussion of numbers of people invading the country depicts aspirations of taking over the world, not seeking asylum. The combination of the hostile threat and movement of Islam promotes the idea that it needs to be managed in a way that allows varied prejudicial practices to continue (Poole, 2002: 47). What Poole is saying is that a plain dislike of the notion of Islam cannot be seen as the central feature of hostility towards Muslims. Attitudes to Muslims derive from a mixture of xenophobia and racism whereby newspapers such as the Mail can discuss or mainly criticise some of the practices of Islam without being seen to be unashamedly prejudice towards Muslims. Another adjoining piece of literature that many academics have drawn from when discussing this topic, is Edward Saids Covering Islam: How the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world (1981). Said argues that the siege of the American embassy in Iran in 1981 and its media coverage initiated an increased attention and portrayal of Islam with danger, militancy and anti-Western sentiment. The text examines the genesis and ramifications of the medias monolithic images of Islam and reveals the twisting of fact that underlies objective coverage of the Islamic world. Said says the application of a Western ideological framework or an ethnocentric way of seeing (Dahlgren and Chakrapani 1982: 45) has meant we see a domesticated Islamic world or those aspects considered to be newsworthy (Said 1981: 27). This has created a dichotomy between the West and Islam whereby the West is seen as judicious, civilized, developed and superior, and Islam as abnormal, undeveloped and in ferior. There are a small number of published journals that closely share the intentions of this paper. Diane Frosts Islamophobia: examining casual links between the media and race hate from below (2007) analyses the media reporting on recent and ongoing terrorist attacks in Britain and the effect on Muslim communities. The paper discusses islamophobic tendencies within British tabloids and their connections with government policies and violence that concerns religion. Whilst it highlights the medias promotion of moral panics such as problems of asylum and race, it is saying British tabloids breed on these moral panics, going further than the threat that is actually presented. Thus, the media have represented Muslims as a collective problem who threaten the very fabric of British society as supporters of al-Qaida and potential suicide bombers. They are the folk devils of the twenty first century (Diane Frost 2008 find out how to reference journal). It is worth noting that there are strong links between increased anti-terror legislation and other government measures and the way in which publications such as the Mail criminalise Muslim communities when reporting on such measures and legislation. This type of research will be considered in the methods section of the paper. Ian Hargreaves writes a piece in the New Statesman that demonstrates the negative coverage of immigration from the Mail in relation to fuelling racist attitudes. He says: It is not that I view with cynicism the Daily Mails efforts to achieve balance in its reporting of racial issues. Rather, I think the paper is misguided in discounting the encouragement its asylum coverage gives to racist sentiments (Hargreaves 2000). Reverting back to the theory that newspapers such as the Daily Mail have colonial instincts and an anti-foreigner viewpoint established within its DNA, Hargreaves is trying to say that these publications are not intending to be racist; they simply believe the types of stories concerning Islam being published are due to the public-interest factor. Christopher Allens journal discusses the dangerousness of the concept of Islamophobia in analytical relation with the findings of the Runnymede Trust Report (1997). The reports findings concluded that Islam is inherently seen as other to the West, reinforcing the them and us dualism. Taking this in to consideration, Allen says we should not be surprised to see such headlines as The Daily Mails offering, Fanatics with a death wish: I was born in Britain but I am a Muslim first. Here the Mail is merely reiterating those beliefs that are lodged at the heart of Islamophobia (Allen 2008: 4). The intention of this chapter was to identify underpinning theories, themes and issues published in previous literature in order for readers to understand the intentions of the research and findings that will be developed in the methods and data analysis. Methods and methodology This chapter will discuss the research that this paper will be carrying out, the reasons for using those methods and what results are to be expected. The most appropriate methods will be discussed along with their advantages and limitations, with ethical considerations ensured so that the data is collected in an ethical way. The bulk of previous research method approaches to the medias role in the reproduction of racism are mainly content analytical; quantitative and qualitative modes picking out the use of stereotypical words, phrases or image(s) used when representing ethnic minorities (see, for example, Van Dijk 1991, 1997). The reasons for this are that the communication process is symbolic, and deciphering it inevitably has pride of place (Downing and Husband 2005: 26), media researchers can access this readily available material rather than examining the construction process or how readers deduce and act upon the text. This discourse analytical method systematically describes different structures and tactics of text in relation to a social or political framework. The method enables for the identification of focus on certain topics in a semantic analysis form as well as allowing examination of the overall organisation of news reports. Essentially this means discourse may thus be studied as the cruci al interface between the social and cognitive dimensions of racism (Cottle 2000: 36). So, publications such as the Mail as a discourse in the social practice of racism can be seen as a main source for peoples racist views/beliefs. According to Berger (1998: 23) content analysts in media research assume that behavioural patterns, values and attitudes found in this material reflect and affect the behaviour, attitudes and values of the people who create the material. The advantages and reason as to why this paper will be adopting a similar style of research is that whilst being most importantly primary, there is no technology or major funds necessary and it has been known to lead to fundamental changes in the practices of an institution, profession and society as a whole. Also as Berger (2011: 214) says the data collected can be expressed in numbers. These numbers provide detailed information that can be interpreted to gain insights into the mind-set of those who created the text. Another method of research that will be employed is that of conducting surveys to gauge the attitudes and opinions of Daily Mail readers and readers of other newspapers, concerning how the paper represents ethnic minorities. This intends to highlight the negative effect a newspaper has on readers views of a religion such as Islam and the race of Muslim. Previous survey research done in this area comes from Fouries (2001) Media Studies: Institutions, theories and issues. Using a case study of the press in South Africa, the research featured a survey asking people their perceptions of racism in a number of different publications. The research was conducted by the government (ACNielsen survey) after a large number of complaints were made to the South African media regulatory body (Press Ombudsman), that certain newspapers were being overtly racist. The research found that 37% of people saw the concerned newspaper as being at least fairly racist (the other above category being very racis t), owing to the governments implication of fines on the newspaper if any more racist content was published. Other survey research done by European research bodies (such as, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia) includes the Racism and cultural diversity in the mass media report where a similar style of questionnaire design was used. The survey style asks the same type of question i.e. how racist do you think this publication/newspaper is? providing a spectrum of answers including; slightly racist, fairly racist and very racist. The ethical considerations that need to be addressed here is that one could condemn this research method data saying the questions are too leading or that the opinions of the researcher could play a large role in the data collected. With regards to the former limitation, it is the intention of the research to avoid the neutral viewpoint as it would be more or less unusable data for the purposes of this study. By introducing the survey as an academic study to identify whether a newspaper is racist is introducing a form of bias; a four point Likert scal e should thus be used. In order to avoid people who like to sit on the fence (especially concerning issues of racism), by using a smaller Likert scale, the neutral viewpoint can be avoided by using a four-point scale in which the respondent is forced to express some degree of, for example, agreement or disagreement (Davies and Mosdell 2006: 93). Also other ethical considerations were respected including obtaining the consent of the participants and ensuring that their confidentiality and anonymity were maintained. For the content analysis of the Daily Mails perceived inciting of racial hatred, the content that will be analysed will be the amount of articles within a time period of 6 months the issue of Islam and Muslims is reported on in a negative manner. The practice of content analysis, established by the likes of Berelson (1971) and Krippendorff (1980) means identifying the sub-components of an issue featured in the text(s) to be analysed and then studying that media in question over a designated set period of time, counting the amount of times they turn up. This method enables the recognition of certain contours of coverage on a certain subject or issue, allowing for questions to be asked such as; did some newspapers repeatedly feature stories related to people of colour and were there periods of increased or lesser coverage surrounding activities of extremist groups? The types of articles that will be used in the research (see appendices for examples) present Muslims and the religion of Islam as a problem and their difficulties with conflicting issues when integrating themselves within British society. The negative context, in relation to identifying relevant articles will adopt a similar method employed by van Dijks (1991) research. Here the headlines of newspaper articles concerning issues of race were identified and then proceeded to count how many times negative words such as police and riot were used, illustrating the negative context in which issues concerning ethnic minorities were raised within a certain publication. As Hartmann and Husband (1974, 1976) suggest, this demonstrates how news issue

Free King Lear Essays: The Evil Man in a Good World :: King Lear essays

King Lear: Evil Man in a Good World In the King Lear play, Shakespeare creates many conditions in which humans live in the world. The main characters in the play are used to portray Shakespeare's ideas. One of these ideas, which Shakespeare is trying to portray, is evil between the characters and in the world, which are emphasized throughout the play. The evil, created by humans, is outweighed by good in the world of King Lear. Evil was created by humans who decided to do wrong to others. Duke of Albany, said that all evil people will be justly punished (ACT V, iii, 303). Albany indicated that it is the people who caused evil and people decided to do evil, not gods. Lear believes that since Edgar is out on the heath he must have given everything to his daughters as well (ACT III, iv, 62ff). Since he believes that Edgar gave everything to evil Lear must believe that people are the cause of evil. It was Lear's daughters who decided to do wrong to Lear and it was Lear's fault in giving away all of his land. His daughters are the humans in the play, it is the humans who caused the evil and Lear believes that humans were the ones who created evil. Edgar, is another character in the play who believes that evil is caused by humans and not the gods. Edgar said, "The gods are just, and of our peasant vices make instruments to plague us" (ACT V, iii, 169). Edgar clearly says that the gods are right and it is t he people who are responsible for promoting evil in the world. It is us who make the instruments necessary for evil to spread and plague the world. In the world of King Lear many characters believe evil was caused by the people and not by the gods. Even though Humans created evil, good will always exist. After King Lear was captured he showed that even if evil exists, good will always be present. Lear speaks about love with Cordelia in the prison cell and how they will still have each other despite of the evil around them (ACT V, iii, 8). On another occasion Lear also says that despite all the evil in the world the raw nature, which is good, is still unharmed (ACT IV, IV, 90-92).

Example of Cause and Effect Essay

VERTIGO Vertigo is a feeling of dizziness. Person with vertigo often feel that their body or the things around them are moving or spinning when they are standing. It can be caused by a problem with the balance mechanisms of the inner ear, a problem with the nerves that connect the brain to the middle ear, or a problem with brain cause a head injury. The most frequent cause of vertigo is there is a problem with the balance mechanisms of the inner ear.When the virus or bacterical infected the inflammation of the labyrinth (a system of canals and cavities within the inner ear which gives us our sense of balance), such as common cold or flu virus that spread to the labyrinth, or when the crystal of vestibular labyrinth, inside the ear, become dislodged and move in to the one of semicircular canal, it will make the patient suddenly get the feeling of vertigo. A problem with the nerves that connect the brain to the middle ear is also the cause of vertigo.When a person gets vestibular neuri tis (inflammation of the vestibular – the nerve running to the vestibule), it will destroy the collaboration between the semicircular canals and the brain work to control the body balance and he will get the feeling of vertigo. The other cause of vertigo is there is a problem with brain caused a head injury. Some people who get a head injury, because of an accident or a strong earth quake, most of them suddenly feel that all the things around them moving or spinning.The sudden sensation can occur many times a day. It occurs because the head injury destroys the balance nerve in their brain. Many things can cause vertigo (a dizziness feeling that makes people feel that their body or their surrounding are moving or spinning). But the three most frequent causes of vertigo are a problem with the balance mechanisms of the inner ear, a problem with the nerves that connect the brain to the middle ear, or a problem with brain cause a head injury.